In Vance, Trump picks an ambitious ideologue and first millennial

Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) with his wife, Usha, at the Republican National Convention, at the Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, Wis., on Monday, July 15, 2024. Trump has chosen Vance to be his running mate, wagering that the young senator will bring fresh energy to the Republican ticket and ensure that the movement Trump began nearly a decade ago can live on after him. (Doug Mills/The New York Times)

Former President Donald Trump pumps his fist as he arrives on the floor on the first night of the Republican National Convention on Monday at the Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, Wis. (Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times)

MILWAUKEE — Former President Donald Trump has chosen Sen. JD Vance of Ohio to be his running mate, wagering that the young senator will bring fresh energy to the Republican ticket and ensure that the movement Trump began nearly a decade ago can live on after him.

Vance, 39, is a political newcomer who entered the Senate only last year, but he has spent that time methodically ascending the conservative firmament. Once an acerbic Trump critic — attacking Trump as “reprehensible” and calling him “cultural heroin” — he won Trump’s backing in his 2022 Senate race by wholly embracing his politics and his lies about a stolen election. The endorsement lifted him above a crowded field, and ultimately to the Senate.

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Vance, a venture capitalist in Silicon Valley who became best known for writing the memoir “Hillbilly Elegy,” did not forget it. He quickly emerged as a top defender of the former president in the halls of Congress and on television, taking his cues from Trump while frequently bucking the priorities of longtime Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell.

Trump announced his choice in a post on his social media platform Truth Social on Monday, as the Republican National Convention was getting underway in Milwaukee. He said Vance was “the person best suited” to be his potential vice president. He highlighted Vance’s time in the Marine Corps and his memoir, saying he believed Vance was a champion for hardworking people, particularly the workers and farmers in a number of key swing states.

Trump’s selection came just days after he survived an assassination attempt at a rally in Pennsylvania, an episode that underlined the significance of his choosing a running mate who might be in line as Trump’s successor.

Vance, an ardent and vocal defender of Trump, went further than many of his allies, directly attributing the shooting to the rhetoric of President Joe Biden and his campaign, even as Trump and his campaign called for unity.

“The central premise of the Biden campaign is that President Donald Trump is an authoritarian fascist who must be stopped at all costs. That rhetoric led directly to President Trump’s attempted assassination,” Vance wrote on the social platform X.

In Vance, Trump has tapped an ambitious ideologue who relishes the spotlight and has shown he can energize donors on behalf of the presumptive nominee. His youth — there are nearly 40 years separating them, and Vance is the first millennial nominated to a major-party ticket — could prove a boon to the ticket, as voters have expressed concern over both Trump’s and Biden’s ages.

Vance was formally nominated as the Republican Party’s vice-presidential nominee about two hours after Trump’s announcement. As Ohio’s lieutenant governor, Jon Husted, nominated him and praised his conservative bona fides, Vance beamed. With his wife, Usha, next to him, he seemed almost overcome with emotion as delegates began chanting his first name.

The choice also positions Vance, intentionally or not, as the likeliest Republican yet to carry Trump’s ideological legacy beyond a potential second term in the White House.

Vance achieved renown after the publication in 2016 of “Hillbilly Elegy,” about growing up poor in Ohio and Kentucky. The timing dovetailed with Trump’s political rise, and Vance, then a “Never Trump” conservative, became sought out for his perspective on what fueled Trump’s popularity among white working-class voters.

At the time, Vance argued that Trump was guiding “the white working class to a very dark place,” particularly over his offensive remarks about immigration and his efforts to blame immigrants for economic woes. He once told a former classmate at Yale that he thought Trump was “America’s Hitler.”

But Vance said his views shifted during the Trump presidency. And by the time he entered the Republican primary for a Senate seat in Ohio in 2021, he had adopted Trump’s hard-right messaging and renounced his previous views about immigration and trade.

Three weeks before the primary, Trump rewarded his conversion with an endorsement that carried Vance to victory in a crowded primary. And in the Senate, Vance’s adherence to Trumpism stood out among his peers.

Yet the two men’s similarities could prove a drawback. Vance has rooted his career in speaking for the working class against elites, but in aligning himself so squarely with Trump, it is unclear whether he can bring voters to the table who are not on board. Vance is in lock step with Trump on nearly every issue, and he may not have much to offer more moderate or independent voters unenthusiastic about Trump’s policies or turned off by his actions leading up to and on Jan. 6, 2021, when a mob of his supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol in an effort to overturn the 2020 election results.

Biden, responding to the news, told reporters that Vance was “a clone of Trump on the issues.” And Jaime Harrison, chair of the Democratic National Committee, said in a statement that Vance “championed and enabled Trump’s worst policies for years.”

Compared with other possible selections, Vance has relatively little governing experience should he ascend to the presidency. But he has never directly competed against Trump, and his political career exemplifies how devotion to Trump has practically become a precondition in Republican politics.

Embracing Trump’s false claims of widespread election fraud in 2020, similarly, proved a key loyalty litmus test for any candidate angling for the vice-presidential slot. More than any other top contender for a spot on the ticket, Vance has endorsed and promoted Trump’s lies that the election was stolen. Unlike Rubio or Scott, who both voted to certify Biden’s victory after police had managed to clear the Capitol of rioters on Jan. 6, Vance was not in the Senate then and did not have to put his position on the record.

Vance is part of a group of roughly a dozen Republican senators who have tried to push the Senate toward Trump’s Make America Great Again ideology, particularly with isolationist views on foreign policy. He unsuccessfully clashed with McConnell to block a foreign aid package that provided $61 billion to Ukraine and repeatedly opposed efforts to avert a government shutdown.

During his frequent television interviews this year, and as he has hit the campaign trail for Trump, Vance has echoed the former president’s hard-line views on immigration and his stance on trade.

In addition to his news media appearances defending Trump, which The New York Times has reported played a role in the selection process, Vance also notably joined Trump’s entourage during his criminal trial in New York City in May. Outside the courthouse, he held a news conference attacking the prosecution’s star witness, Michael Cohen, while Trump was bound by a gag order that prohibited him from doing so.

Raised largely by his maternal grandparents, Vance, whose mother battled drug addiction, grew up in Middletown, Ohio, a steel mill town that saw its fortunes decline as blue-collar jobs disappeared. After enlisting in the Marines and doing public affairs work in Iraq, Vance graduated summa cum laude from Ohio State University, then went on to Yale Law School.

© 2024 The New York Times Company

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